A Unity of political outcasts

Issue Number: 
33
Author: 
Ekaterina Larina
Published: 
1999-10-11


The Kremlin's new electoral bloc, Yedinstvo (Unity), is shaping up as an alliance of convenience among a rag-tag grouping of seven small parties, but with two powerful advantages - the support of some of Russia's governors and three credible leaders.

Despite the new so-called "party of power's" makeshift structure, analysts say its chances of breaching the 5 percent barrier required for entry into the State Duma (lower house of parliament) are better than good.

"Of course they'll be actively and maybe even aggressively promoted by the state television stations," veteran commentator Otto Latsis said. "That, along with the support of some governors, will probably allow them to at least enter the Duma."

But barring the party list's three leaders, the bloc's participants can be categorized as standing in the second division of Russia's political league at best.

Among the bloc's members are the Rossiiskaya Khristiyansko-Demokraticheskaya (Russian Christian-Democratic) Party (which received 0.06 percent of the vote in the last elections); the Moiya Semya (My Family) movement (a new creation based on a television talk show); and the V Podderzhku Nezavisimykh Deputatov (In Support of Independent Deputies) movement.

Yedinstvo's organizers urged the movement's three top leaders to portray themselves as genuine examples of wise and strong leadership.

Many observers see Emergency Situations Minister and Yedinstvo leader Sergei Shoigu's position as unique. He has managed the delicate task of retaining a high government post (through successive government reshuffles) for eight years while also maintaining his public reputation of personal and professional integrity.

Olympic wrestling champion Alexander Karelin, number two on the list, has the respect of millions of fans and is currently employed as a humble tax police officer.

Number three on the party list, Alexander Gurov has worked in the Interior Ministry's investigative department.

Together, they are seeking to show themselves as a steady and trustworthy group. Shoigu will represent strength of spirit, Karelin, strength of body and Gurov, strength of mind.

Alexander Chuev, a Khristiyansko-Demokraticheskaya Party leader, indirectly confirmed that the choice of line-up did not come about by accident.

"These sorts of people are necessary right now, with the situation in the country so difficult and the state confronting a military conflict," Chuev said.

Such sentiments might well prove attractive to the country's electorate.

Yedinstvo has declared as its goal that the State Duma lower house of parliament become a professional and responsible legislative body made up only of those deputies representing "grass-roots" constituencies.

In its bid for electoral success, Yedinstvo is essentially placing its hopes with the provincial elite, expecting that support from regional leaders will almost certainly guarantee the bloc's success with single-ballot electorates in their regions.

If Yedinstvo manages to gain more than 5 percent in the elections, it will also be able to enter its deputies from regional lists.

Kalmykia's President Kirsan Ilyumzhinov, an active Yedinstvo participant, declared the bloc would become a strong mouthpiece for regional interests.

"I think the fact this bloc has been initiated by the governors is most logical and right," Ilyumzhinov said.

Chukotka Governor Alexander Nazarov said that as a result of the access governors had in drawing up the lists, Yedinstvo managed to avoid intrigues and horse-trading that have characterized the process in other political blocs.

"We have real issues and didn't want to waste time with discussions," Nazarov said. "I didn't need to spend a day working on a list of candidates. I came and gave the three names of my candidates and they've been put on the list - that's all."

Governors' influence on the political process in their regions through control of media outlets and other resources may indeed contribute significantly to Yedinstvo's chances of success this December.

Potential opponents on both sides of the political spectrum are taking it seriously.

A source in the powerful Otechestvo-Vsya Rossiya (Fatherland-All Russia) bloc says its members see Yedinstvo's formation as an attempt to draw votes from their movement and believe that goal may be achieved in an underhand manner.

"They are even trying to win over some of the candidates on our lists," the source said.

But Irina Khakamada, a leader of Soyuz Pravykh Sil (the Union of Right-Wing Forces) bloc, appeared disappointed with the idea of Yedinstvo, seeing it as a competitor in the struggle for the liberal vote.

"They [the Kremlin] conceived [Yedinstvo] as an opposition to Otechestvo-Vsya Rossia, but there's a real danger it will siphon off part of our electorate," Khakamada said.

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