For both Russia's public and authorities, relationships with the former Soviet republics are a touchy issue. This is no surprise, given the more than 10 million Russian citizens who have close relatives in these now independent countries. For many Russians, these countries are still in some way part of a "greater homeland," linked to Russia by numerous historical, cultural and economic ties.

But, there is increasing public awareness that the federal authorities lack clear aims and priorities in this strategically vital area, and often act in contradiction with Russia's interests.

One clear issue to be addressed is the situation of Russians living in these newly independent states. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, more than 25 million Russians, many of them highly qualified specialists - doctors, teachers and so on - found themselves outside Russia's borders.

This large diaspora could serve as a potential lever helping reinforce Russia's position in the Eurasian region. It could also help make up for the declining population within Russia itself. Between 1992 and 1998, the Russian population fell by 5 million - a decrease partially offset by around 3 million immigrants from the former Soviet republics.

These statistics mask the reality of life for people who have often found themselves back in Russia without shelter, work or anything to live on. Failure to address the specific problems of individual people is typical of the current Russian authorities.

In part, this happens because society has no clear concept of the words "fatherland" and "compatriot." Without claiming to have the final word, I'd like to suggest my definition.

The concept of fatherland extends beyond state borders. More important is the particular historical, spiritual, material and linguistic environment that keeps a people alive and helps it develop. Thus, our compatriots would be all those, both in and outside Russia, who feel this environment as essential for their existence.

Some say that this Russian diaspora is a burden rather than an asset for Russia. I fundamentally disagree. Cutting off one-seventh of the Russian nation is like a form of suicide. If "Russia" and "fatherland" are not empty words for us, we must feel at least moral responsibility for the fate of Russians abroad.

Usually, we remember these issues only when something out of the ordinary happens and forces us to pay attention, or when election time comes round.

The Moscow government has always taken a very consistent line - namely, action rather than words in order to help people.

In its relations with the CIS and Baltic countries, the Moscow government always takes the issues facing Russians abroad into account. This is reflected in agreements signed with our foreign partners, which always include commitments to maintain and help develop Russian schools, cultural centers and so on.

Quality higher education is the key to maintaining the intellectual potential of the Russian diaspora. The Moscow government has set up a program that provides grants to Russian students abroad, so they can receive an education in their native language.

The Moscow government also provides support to Orthodox churches and monasteries, Russian-language media and businesses with mostly Russian workforces.

In Moscow, schools and cultural centers have been set up for the various diasporas from the CIS and Baltic countries.

My opponents could say, of course, that Moscow is wealthy and should give priority to helping Russians in Russia. But, money comes through work, and it's a merit rather than a fault that the Moscow government knows how to work.

No presidential decree obliges Moscow to help the Russian diaspora. We do it because the tradition in Russia, no matter what the difficulties of the moment, has always been to help Russians in an even worse situation abroad.

Really, these issues should be addressed at a federal level. There is no federal policy as such; state officials have little idea of the real problems facing Russians abroad or people resettling in Russia. A dozen different ministries and departments are involved in these issues, but there has been no change for the better.

In Ukraine, Russians account for 20 percent of the population but are being pushed to the sidelines of the country's life. The Russian government, in giving open support to Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma in his reelection bid, is essentially supporting his anti-Russian policies.

Clear, realistic policies and aims are needed with regard to the Russian diaspora. Efforts should be concentrated in three main directions.

First, the diaspora must become more organized. There are plenty of Russian associations and groups in the CIS and Baltic countries, but there is no consolidation among them. Russian government structures, in particular embassies and consulates, could help them coordinate their activities.

Second, there must be social support for the Russian diaspora. Efforts must be made to prevent Russians from being sidelined, and to help them integrate and find their place in the countries they live in. A whole range of political, trade and financial measures can be of use here. There should be encouragement for companies supporting Russians, and a tough regime applied to companies and countries backing anti-Russian policies.

Third, the Russian diaspora must be kept adequately informed. Much has been said about the decline in Russian-language media abroad. In countries with large Russian minorities, restricted access to Russian-language media is a form of discrimination. Thus, there must be state support for Russian-language media.

Finally, we should not forget the several million people who have returned to Russia, often as the result of war and interethnic strife. It is unacceptable that these people become second-class citizens in their historic homeland.

These people represent a wealth of potential and hope for the small towns and "dying" villages of Russia, and more must be done for them. It is in the regions, and not in Moscow, that Russia will begin its recovery.

For Russia, this is a moment when we need unity and not political squabbles. If we can put aside personal and party ambitions, and feel ourselves a united nation, we will be able to raise Russia to its feet.