
The Russian-American meeting in Ljubljana couldn't be anything but a success since no one expected any specific results to come from it in the first place. The Russian side wanted the meeting to show that Vladimir Putin is a member of the club and to nip in the bud any rumors that Russia might be expelled from the G-8.
The American administration finally agreed to the meeting, above all, to show their European allies and the Democrats in Congress that they're not ignoring Russia and are making efforts to find mutual accord on issues of strategic stability. Even if the two presidents had disliked each other, as experienced politicians they still would have come up with some suitable words at the press conference about how useful and needed the meeting was.
As it was, the atmosphere at the press conference was more than just cordial, it was almost heart-warming. The two presidents generously heaped praise on each other and on each other's countries.
Cordial words and atmosphere are important, of course, but they are not tangible, unlike the question of whether the two sides reached any agreement over the issue that divides them most U.S. missile defense plans and the fate of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
Formally, the two sides came no closer in their views. Answering questions at the press conference, Putin repeated the traditional mantra that, "the 1972 ABM Treaty is the cornerstone of strategic stability." But he didn't stop there. He also said that he saw no fundamental obstacles to reaching mutual agreement on NMD.
Overall, the atmosphere of the meeting and the statements that followed it give hope that the two sides will make a serious effort to find a compromise. Obstacles on the way will be mostly of a domestic political nature. A number of significant figures in the Republican administration would prefer to see the United States withdraw unilaterally from the ABM Treaty rather than negotiate amendments with Russia. At the same time, this would also suit influential corporate circles in Moscow, which would welcome increased tension in Russian-American relations.
But Putin will run up against another problem, too. For many years now, our propaganda has relentlessly pounded into our consciousness the idea that a U.S. missile defense system represents a tremendous threat to Russia's security. Public opinion will perceive Russia's efforts to find a compromise that answers its interests as a shameful retreat.
George Bush has made it clear that the future picture of Russian-American relations will depend above all on the two sides' ability to find a common language on security issues. Bush is far less interested in Russia's internal problems. At the press conference, Bush went beyond what protocol demanded in his unprecedented praise of Putin as a wonderful leader, whose soul he had looked deep into.
Once again, the United States and the West in general are displaying a rather inconsistent and even hypocritical approach to issues of freedom of speech and human rights. George Bush's message was quite clear if we can find a common language on key geopolitical issues, then the United States won't bring up human rights issues in a way that would put Putin in a bad light.
It makes no sense for the defenders of human rights to go to Washington and speak at Congressional hearings on freedom of speech in Russia. The United States has shown itself perfectly willing to get on with "managed democracies" and with open dictatorships when it suits American interests.
If we want to fight for freedom of speech and for an end to the war in Chechnya, which is so destructive for Russia, then we have to do so here, at home. The West won't help us, and there's no point reproaching it for this.